Tag Archives: election

Teflon Liberals May Slide to a Majority

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By Jason Menard

If the Liberal Party of Canada wants to find a creative way to raise money for the coffers this year, perhaps they should think about releasing a line of non-stick fry pans under their moniker. Simply put, the Grits are more effective than Teflon when it comes to having things slide off them.

A recent Leger poll found that the Liberals enjoyed the support of 40 per cent of respondents. That’s the same type of numbers that propelled them to their last majority government. The opposition Conservative Party has seen its numbers plummet 10 per cent to a disappointing 24 per cent support.

Despite anger over the sponsorship scandal, despite increased chatter over separation both in the East and the West, despite bad feelings caused by the federal government’s lack of action over the price of fuel, the Liberals have been able to keep their heads down, roll with the punches, and are ready to come out swinging in the next election.

Unfortunately for the Liberals’ opponents, things appear to be falling into place for a significant majority the next time Canadians are called to the polls, which is expected to be in the spring. And the main reason why the Grits are on their way back into power is simply the perceived lack of a viable alternative.

For the Conservatives and their supporters, this was their moment to regain the reins of power that they lost back in 1993. Buoyed by the allegations levied in the Gomery hearings, they were to ride that wave of anti-Liberal sentiment and outrage to a crushing victory. Alas, the Tory train derailed somewhere along the way, and continues to wind its way down a dangerous track with several supporters waiting to replace its conductor, Steven Harper.

Conversely, the New Democratic Party has chosen to remain self-satisfied with its ability to integrate reforms to the recent budget by promising to prop up the embattled minority government. But instead of building upon its gains and making a move for greater penetration into the Canadian populace, the Party appears to be pleased with the status quo, as if it realizes that being a key cog in a minority is the best that it will get.

And both opposition Parties have missed the key opportunity that the recent turmoil in the Liberal ranks has brought about – the ability to show Canadians what the alternatives to Liberal governance truly are. Both Parties have focused on the Gomery allegations to the exclusion of developing, refining, and presenting their Party platforms. Like the schoolyard squealer that runs around pointing fingers, they’ve forgotten that it’s not enough to point out what’s wrong – you need to identify what steps can be taken to make it right.

The Liberals, led by Prime Minister Paul Martin, appear to have understood this. They have addressed the issue by setting an ultimatum on a date. One month following the now-delayed release of the Gomery report, the government will call an election. Canadian voters have appeared to be appeased by this action. Now that the initial furor over the scandal has died down and the rhetoric has been digested, Canadians are choosing to take a wait-and-see approach with the results and will base their decisions on facts, not speculation.

Canadians have grown tired of the childish name-calling and dragging through the mud. However, instead of taking this opportunity to put forth a calm, rationale, and well-thought-out alternative plan for Canadians to embrace, the opposition Parties chosen to rest on their laurels and continue to sling accusations, respectfully.

It’s time to move on. The spring is not too far away and, unless the opposition Parties take this opportunity to let the Gomery investigation run its course and focus their energies on explaining to Canadians what there alternatives are, then it’s their own fault if Canadians aren’t able to see the way to change.

For a Canadian populace that wants stability and effective government, we’re left with only one readily apparent alternative for governance. And, unfortunately for the opposition Parties that proven entity is the same one that’s been in power for the past dozen years.

As the election race heats up, it’s hard to bet on the Party with the Teflon coating. To win the opposition needs to start cooking an appealing alternative that Canadians will find palatable.

2005 © Menard Communications – Jason Menard All Rights Reserved

Federal Liberals May Be Buoyed by Landry’s Resignation

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By Jason Menard

Navigating through the murky waters of a minority government and weighed down by the anchor that is the Gomery inquiry, Paul Martin has just been thrown a life preserver by the least-likely source possible.

Mr. Prime Minister, next time you’re in your home riding of Ville Emard, make sure you make a side trip to say merci to Mr. Bernard Landry.

The Parti Quebecois’ leader decided this weekend to step down after receiving a less-than-enthusiastic 76.2 per cent support from the party’s delegates during its leadership review. His decision to gracefully step away leaves a void in separatist leadership – a void that would probably best be filled by one man, Bloc Quebecois leader Gilles Duceppe.

The lure of the PQ post may be too much for Duceppe to resist. While politicians for other parties often look to move from provincial politics to the federal ranks, Quebec separatists know the true seat of separatist power doesn’t lie on Parliament Hill – it is firmly entrenched in Quebec City’s National Assembly.

The call of the PQ leadership is enticing for a number of reasons, not the least of which is that Duceppe could take control of a party that is not in power. Quebec Liberal leader Jean Charest is under no obligation to 2008 and is not exactly enjoying exalted status in the province.

The Parti Quebecois is at its most effective when it doesn’t have to worry about little things like actually running a province. Without the distractions caused by the compromises and sacrifices that a ruling Party needs to make to effectively govern a province, Duceppe could ride his wave of popularity back into the province and spend the next three years promoting the sovereigntist cause without actually having to be accountable for anything. He could use his gift for rhetoric and charisma to chip away at the ruling Liberal government and to build momentum for the separatist movement.

And Quebecers’ collective memories are long. With a federal government in turmoil, a provincial Liberal party that’s struggling to make inroads with the soft separatists, the PQ is poised for a return to power – and Duceppe knows that it may be time to strike while the iron is hot. Who else has the record and the charisma to take the reins? Certainly not Pauline Marois and her $400,000 taxpayer-funded renovated bathrooms (complete with silent toilets). Anyone else is just a pretender to the throne should Duceppe decide to accept his coronation.

After all, how much more can he do on the federal level? He has shown that he is a competent statesman and an effective thorn in the side of the government. He has displayed the poise and grace that his federal counterparts only wish they could — Duceppe’s performances in the two national debates left his three opponents choking in his exhaust. And he’s raised the profile of the Bloc, with the help of some Liberal blundering, to lofty heights. A virtual sweep of the province of Quebec would be almost assured in the next federal election should he remain at the helm.

But therein lies the problem. By leaving the federal forum for the provincial arena, Duceppe would be filling one void only to create another. A fall federal election would likely coincide with a fall PQ leadership convention. Duceppe would have to make the choice, and should he make the politically savvy move to provincial politics, he would leave his federal party struggling to find a leader in its time of need – a scenario that would play right into the Liberals hands.

The Bloc and the PQ are parties that thrive on charisma. Rene Levesque had it, Lucien Bouchard had it, and Duceppe has shown he has it as well. But there’s no one else on the horizon that displays the same je-ne-sais-quoi that the position requires. And the loss of that X-factor on the federal level could make the difference in a handful of ridings – which could make all the difference in a fall federal election.

The ideal situation for separatists is to convince Landry to retake the reigns and guide his party through the coming federal election. With no provincial vote on the horizon, there is no urgency for a change in leadership. Landry could steward the PQ through the federal election, which would allow Duceppe to focus on continuing the momentum the Bloc has enjoyed up to now.

After the election, Landry could announce his resignation and Duceppe could, at that time, ride in on his white horse to spin his magic with the provincial party. But would Landry be able to subjugate his pride for the betterment of his party? That’s a question only he can answer.

If he doesn’t, then Prime Minister Martin should make sure Landry’s added to his special Christmas card list – along with Belinda Stronach – of former adversaries who have helped keep his government afloat.

2005 © Menard Communications – Jason Menard All Rights Reserved

Federal Politics – The Party’s Over

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By Jason Menard

As the combination of the sponsorship scandal and a minority government combines to send Canadians to an early – but not unexpected – election, perhaps it has come down to the time when we should say the Party’s over.

Essentially, the sponsorship scandal is about patronage – a tradition that’s as old as government itself. And while all the focus is currently on the Liberal Party of Canada, it’s not outrageous to say that with a little sniffing around, you’d find a foul stench or two emanating from all our political parties.

The party system has created various groups that are beholden, in part, to any number of special interest groups. Whether it’s labour organizations, religious groups, financial and business interests, or those who have been generous donors to the cause, each political party knows on which side their bread is buttered. And the only group to which these parties should be beholden – the voters – are left by the wayside.

As it stands now, the vast majority of Canadians don’t vote for a person. They vote for a party and in support of the ideals to which it supposedly ascribes. However, by voting for a national power, we compromise our individual needs for what we hope is the greater good.

It once was so easy. If you leaned left, you headed to the NDP, if you were small-c conservative, then the PC party was your choice. And if you preferred not to go to either extreme, the Liberal Party was a comfortable place to place your vote. But those differences aren’t so cut and dried any longer.

But our political landscape has changed drastically over the past two decades, moving towards regional representation – and now it’s time to complete the journey and abolish party politics entirely.

With the emergence of political entities like the Reform Party and the Bloc Quebecois, we saw clearly the importance that voters placed on protecting their own interests. Frustrated Western Canadians, tired of perceived preferential treatment of Ontario and Quebec, embraced a party that they felt was more in tune with their needs. While Quebecers, both separatist and federalist, were and are attracted to the Bloc’s unwavering focus on promoting Quebec’s best interests on a federal level.

What this shows is that people are desperate for actual representation from their Members of Parliament. And by abolishing the party system, we would be able to create a new system wherein our elected representatives would have only the interests of their constituents at heart – not those of the party to which they ascribe.

As it stands now, many people don’t exercise their right to vote simply because, rightly or wrongly, they feel that their individual vote doesn’t matter on a national level. In addition, because their vote generally goes for the party, not the candidate, they feel disconnect between the needs of their riding and the party’s overall goals.

But think of how much more interest you would have in an electoral process that sees voters choosing the individual they feel best represents their riding. Instead of looking at the party, voters would have to look at the candidate – their platform, their beliefs, and their qualifications. And then, every four years, they’d be held accountable for their activities on behalf of their riding.

Instead of one party forcing through a mandate that may be unpalatable to a significant number of Canadians simply based on majority rule, a completely independent House of Commons would have to work together, navigating the waters of governance through negotiation, debate, and – perish the thought – common sense. Best of all, this would encourage our elected representatives to continually meet with their constituencies to gauge the electorate’s opinion on issues. The average citizen’s voice could be heard more clearly by the use of plebiscites on hot-button issues!

Our government could still have cabinet members handling various portfolios and committees would still be in place to ensure continuity and effective management of government initiatives and departments. However, these cabinet positions and committees would be elected positions (by the Members of Parliament), not appointed.

And the Prime Minister? There are a number of ways to handle this. We could have interested people receive nominations to run for the post and they are voted on separately from the MPs. Or, taking inspiration from the Vatican, we could have our MPs sequester themselves to choose a Prime Minister from within their midst – signified by a puff of red smoke emanating from the Peace Tower.

Sure, there are major bugs to be worked out, such as how do we handle election funding to ensure that each and every Canadian has access to the process, and how do we balance representation by population with representation by geographic area so that urban and rural Canada exerts fair influence over the political process?

But the goal of this exercise is to develop a government of the people for the people. And really, if our politicians have to be beholden to someone, would we rather it be to us – their constituents?

2005 © Menard Communications – Jason Menard All Rights Reserved